Taiwan Journal of Linguistics

A Diamond Open Access Journal (free to authors and readers)
ISSN: 1729-4649 (print); 1994-2559 (online)

VOWEL HIATUS RESOLUTION IN KAVALAN

Hui-shan Lin
This paper examines how vowel hiatus is handled in Kavalan, an endangered Formosan plains tribe language spoken by fewer than one hundred people on the eastern coast of Taiwan. Based on first-hand data, this paper shows that Kavalan is a language that typically disallows vowel sequences. Vowel hiatus is mainly resolved by gliding, but deletion occurs if the adjacent vowels are identical. While Kavalan generally disallows vowel hiatus, a low-high vowel sequence is tolerated before the word-final coda. The paper argues that the reason vowel hiatus unexpectedly occurs in such position is to prevent a post-vocalic vowel from gliding in a stressed syllable. Key words: Kavalan, vowel hiatus, gliding, deletion, Optimality Theory

噶瑪蘭語元音串修補策略

林蕙珊/ 國立臺灣師範大學
本文深究噶瑪蘭語元音串修補策略。為避免零聲母音節,噶瑪蘭語基本上不允許表層有元音串。底層有元音相鄰時,噶瑪蘭語採取滑音化以及元音刪減兩種修補策略。然而某些字組在表層型式中卻有元音相鄰的情形。本文認為元音修補策略的例外情形,是為了避免位於重音節有表層滑音連結到韻尾的情形。最後,本文以優選理論架構來捕捉元音修補策略及其例外情形與信實制約(MAX-IO)和音韻制約(ONSET,{A}=V,*ONSET/[+voc],*CODA/[+voc] *CODA/[+voc]-σ́)之互動情形。 關鍵詞:噶瑪蘭語、元音修補策略、表層元音串、優選理論